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  • 1. Ajakaiye, Ojo Iseghohime
    : Participation in Nigerian ElectionsIndependent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    Participation in Nigerian elections is an interesting issue. This study is aimed at comparing the 1999 elections with 2003 elections. There is more participation in elections, organized by the Civilian government than that of the Military government. Nigerians feel freer and secure to participate in elections organized and conducted by the civilian government be-cause it is more democratic than the military government.

    The part identification model, and a sociological approach were tested in relation to Nige-rian elections. The Sociological approach influences voter’s decision during elections. Democratic government in Nigeria has much to do for it to be consolidated. The issues of Political Rights and Civil Liberty have to be properly addressed

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    FULLTEXT01
  • 2.
    Allgoth, Philip
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    U.S. Diplomatic relations: How has it been used in Iran and North Korea?2008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    This is a study of how the United States has used different diplomatic strategies towards Iran and North Korea. The concept of coercive diplomacy is defined and explained, in or-der to see if it has been used by the United States, and if so, to what extent. After giving a brief historical background between the U.S and the two countries, the study will put a fo-cus on what and why the Bush administration has acted the way they have in their diplo-matic relation with Iran and North Korea. The study presents cases where you can see par-allels between strategies used, but also some significant differences. The latter part of the study will examine the reasoning behind the different strategies used. Conclusion drawn from this study was that, in the case of Iran, the United States has been forced to act in a certain way due to the other conflicts they are involved with in the region, i.e. the war in Iraq and the situation in Afghanistan. Due to the fear for North Koreas al-ready existing nuclear arsenal, the U.S. has shown a more restricted diplomatic policy to-wards the country, not wanting to push them towards starting a nuclear war.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    FULLTEXT01
  • 3.
    Alvi, Ali Ahsan
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    The changing global domestic political conditions and the role of media organization Wiki Leaks to shape these conditions2011Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Fulltekst (pdf)
    fulltext
  • 4.
    Andersson, Angelica
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan.
    Generalsekreterarens agerande vid hot mot fred och säkerhet: En jämförelse mellan Dag Hammarskjöld och Kofi Annan2005Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Magister), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [sv]

    Syftet med denna uppsats är att studera hur generalsekreterarens roll i FN har utvecklats i situationer som hotar fred och säkerhet. Uppsatsen jämför hur förutsättningarna har utvecklats från då Dag Hammarskjöld hade posten fram till idag, med Kofi Annan som generalsekreterare. Uppsatsen bygger på den hermeneutiska metoden där texttolkning ligger till grund för analysen.

    De stora prövningarna för de båda generalsekreterarna har varit konflikten i Kongo respektive konflikten i Irak. Generalsekreterarens intressen påverkar vilka delar av arbetet som denne kommer att prioritera. Både Dag Hammarskjöld och Kofi Annan har sett de fredsbevarande operationerna som ett viktigt ämnesområde och har arbetat för att utveckla dessa. Ett antal faktorer som påverkar generalsekreterarens förutsättningar till agerande tas upp i uppsatsen. Det internationella systemet är den faktor som mest har påverkat möjligheterna att agera. För Dag Hammarskjöld var det en balansgång att kunna agera under kalla kriget. Generalsekreteraren skulle arbeta på ett neutralt sätt utan att stöta sig med någon av stormakterna. För Kofi Annan har det varit viktigt att ha ett bra samarbete med den ensamma stormakten i dagens internationella system, USA. Det finns likheter mellan de båda generalsekreterarna men som nämnts ovan skiljer sig deras förutsättningar till agerande åt på flera punkter. Det är det internationella systemet som mest påverkat deras förutsättningar till agerande och det är även denna faktor som skiljer sig mest mellan de båda generalsekreterarna.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    FULLTEXT01
  • 5.
    Andersson, Jonas
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    Is Iran an Islamic State: A Comparison between Shia Islamic Theory of State and Ayatollah Khomeini's Islamic Republic of Iran2009Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    The Islamic Republic of Iran‟s alleged pursuit of nuclear missile capabilities is proving in-creasingly problematic for the international community, which places the country in a sig-nificant position in world politics. In turn, the world‟s attention towards the thirty-year-old Republic established by the late Ayatollah Khomeini has resurged. The Republic of Iran based on Ayatollah Khomeini‟s interpretation of Islam has long stood in the spotlight of both public and scholastic scrutiny, particularly due to its perceivably radical manoeuvres on the international stage. However, as the focus of these scrutinizing views has been the Iranian unwillingness to subdue and conform to western norms, the issue of the „Islamicness‟ of the Republic has been overlooked.

    Hence, this thesis seeks to draw further attention to this question - whether Iran can truly be regarded as an Islamic State - in order to ensure a deeper and more accurate under-standing of the Republic of Iran. The purpose of this paper is thus to investigate and re-flect on the theory of Islamic governance promoted by Ayatollah Khomeini and the politi-cal system of the Islamic Republic through the prism of Islamic history. The theory of the Islamic State and the Shia Islamic leadership has been and continues to be central in Aya-tollah Khomeini‟s and the Islamic Republic‟s official rhetoric, being claimed as the sole foundation of the „new‟ Iranian system. In consequence, this paper delves into the Islamic theory of State and the concept of the Imamate in order to critically analyze Ayatollah Khomeini‟s theory and the Islamic Republic. This is aimed at yielding a conclusion whether Iran is justly labeled an Islamic State.

    By performing this norm-fulfilling analysis of the subject in question reliant on a qualitative data collection, the thesis has found that the correlation between the two theories of Islam-ic governance is one of considerable disputability. The paper has, based on the investigated material, been able to conclude that the Islamic Republic of Iran holds a political structure lent from non-Islamic sources, but that its personnel and political field of contest can still be considered Islamic. What the paper has thus revealed is that Khomeini‟s reasoning con-stitutes a novel and unique form of Islamic fundamentalism formed in conjuncture with political ideas of modern and non-Islamic nature. Hence, the results of the study suggests that the Islamic Republic of Iran is in need of serious reconsideration as the Iranian model of Islamic governance remains a source of contention because of the significant deviations from what it claims as its sole basis.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    FULLTEXT01
  • 6.
    Andersson, Linn
    et al.
    Jönköping University, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, HLK, Globala studier.
    Osman, Adni
    Jönköping University, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, HLK, Globala studier.
    Has the pandemic affected democracy?: A qualitative study on the COVID-19's impact on democracy in the European Union2021Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    During its years, the European Union (EU) has experienced several different crises that have challenged its association and put democracy at risk. The financial crisis in 2009 and the migration crisis in 2015 are two difficult periods that caused a split between the member states. In 2020, the Union faced another crisis when the world witnessed the birth of the COVID-19 pandemic. To protect public health, states have introduced state of emergency (SoE) that gives the political government more power to make quick decisions and restrict residents' democratic freedoms. Discussions about how the pandemic affects democracy in the EU have been raised. This study aims to examine different views on how EU democracy is affected by the pandemic. The purpose is to identify how five different representatives of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and intuitions reason about the pandemic's effect on EU democracy. In addition, the purpose is to compare differences and similarities between their different points of view. To generate a result, the interviews were analyzed through previous research and a theoretical framework of Utilitarianism and Consequentialism. The theories analyze through a normative ethics perspective that determines what action is morally right based on the consequences of it. The results show that the pandemic has caused an acceleration of anti-democratic development and a higher concentration of power within the governments. The respondents in the study believe that the pandemic has acted as an accelerator of anti-democratic development in countries where this was already going on before the pandemic struck. Moreover, SoE has caused practical changes in democratic processes, such as restricting participation and democratic freedoms, increasing disinformation, and limiting trust-building between countries. The difference identified was that respondents from institutions did not consider that SoE harms EU’s democracy, but instead is morally right to implement. However, respondents from NGOs defined the implementation of SoE as detrimental to democracy in the EU and questioned whether it is morally right in terms of its consequences for democracy.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    Linn Andersson & Adni Osman - Bachelor Thesis
  • 7.
    Arnoldsson, Henric
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    Recognizing the Failing Layers of International Institutions during the Genocides in Rwanda2009Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis aims at finding the reasons for the genocide in Rwanda, not only in the history of the country, but also the reason why the international institutions failed to prevent it. The thesis begins with a historical background of Rwanda where key actors in the conflict are presented and in the end presents an explanatory model which is based upon the facts gathered during the thesis. The model aims at explaining why the genocide happened and it is built up of layers. These layers have their background in Rwanda’s history and also international institutions, such as the UN. The layers of importance which led to the genocide are: Rwanda’s colonial past, the Arusha Accords and the mandate of UNAMIR (failure of the United Nations), a uni-polar world, increasing poverty, and the assassination of President Habyarimana. There were few available strategies in the standard arsenal of international political means that could have been used to stop the genocide, both before it broke out, but especially after it had begun.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    FULLTEXT01
  • 8.
    Asplund, Malin
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    The Legitimacy of Secession and the Case of Montenegro2007Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [sv]

    Rätten till självbestämmande har traditionellt sett inneburit att staters suveränitet respekterats. Konceptet har dock kommit att applicerats på andra plan i större utsträckning, då man har argumenterat för rätten till nationellt självbestämmande. En gemensam kultur, eller liknande, har på så vis fungerat som underlag för secessionsrörelser. Secession kan ha allvarliga konsekvenser för de involverade politiska enheterna. Det kan även vara ett koncept svårt att implementera i verkligheten då det berör territoriella aspekter såväl som ifrågasätter vilka som hör till den utbrytande rörelsen. En teoretisk ram användbar för utvärdering av secession har därför sammanställts i denna uppsats, baserad på tre typer av secessionsteorier som applicerats på och jämförts med fallet Montenegro. Ramen bygger på en teoretisk diskussion rörande definitioner av nationalism, nationer och identitet. Dessa definitioner grundas på en civil och medborgerlig förståelse av nationalism, där identitet beskrivs som en dynamisk företeelse. Secessionsramen har därefter applicerats på fallet Montenegro som nyligen blivit en självständig stat. En utvärdering av fallet har sedan bedrivits, baserad på en historisk översikt av landet. För att understryka komplexiteten med secession presenteras sedan argument mot secession som inte bör betraktas som en lösning på etniska konflikter. Alternativa lösningar på sådana presenteras därefter vilket ger en insikt i multiculturalism. Sådana lösningar innebär alla en risk för att etniska gränser etsas fast istället för löses upp. Montenegros secession kan dock betraktas som legitim då relativts stabila demokratiska och liberala institutioner gått att finna även innan secessionen. Folkomröstningen var även den legitim och influerad av medborgarskap snarare än etnicitet.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    FULLTEXT01
  • 9.
    Asplund, Malin
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    Är Asylprocessen i Sverige Rättssäker?: En Undersökning om de Offentliga Biträdena och Ombudens Roll före och efter Reformerna 2006.2007Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Magister), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [sv]

    Som den svenska asylprocessen såg ut innan 2006, var den omdiskuterad och hårt kritiserad. Processen sades sakna insyn och ansågs därför alltför öppen för beslut tagna baserat på politiska, snarare än juridiska, grunder. År 2005 skapades en ny Utlänningslag. Även asylprocessen reformerades och den nya ordningen innebär bland annat möjligheten för asylsökande att få sin sak prövad i särskilda domstolar; Migrationsdomstolar.

    Då målet med reformerna var att skapa en öppnare process offentliggjordes även Migrationsverkets databas för landinformation. De offentliga biträdena och ombuden som Migrationsverket tilldelar asylsökande fick utvidgade arbetsuppgifter. Vid prövning i Migrationsdomstol möter klienten med biträde Migrationsverket som motpart. Reformerna har bidragit till en möjlig stärkt ställning för den asylsökande beroende på hur den sökandes talan förs. Mycket av detta ansvar beror därför på klientens biträde.

    Med anledning av reformerna som trädde i kraft år 2006 och de offentliga biträdenas betydande roll syftar denna uppsats till att utvärdera rättssäkerheten i den svenska asylprocessen genom att rikta fokus på biträdena i processen. Undersökningsmetoden utgörs av ett enkätutskick till offentliga biträden i Malmö region. Undersökningen backas upp av en teoretisk diskussion om den svenska rättsstaten, de svenska statsmakterna och så kallad lesson-drawing. Det senare innebar möjligheten till att dra lärdom från andra länder, områden eller skeden, där brister i rättssäkerheten uppdagas. Detta ramverk har använts i syfte att jämföra asylprocessen före och efter reformerna.

    Resultatet av enkätundersökningen stödjer hypotesen om att rättssäkerheten i asylprocessen ökat sedan reformerna och den nya lagen trädde i kraft. Processen upplevs som tydligare, mer rättssäker och mer öppen överlag. Undersökningen har dock belyst områden av processen som fortfarande hotar förutsägbarheten samt lämnar många biträden missnöjda över sin arbetssituation. Det faktum att Migrationsverket utser biträdena och på så vis kan påverka sin egen motpart i Migrationsdomstolen är ett problem som hotar rättsäkerheten. Migrationsverkets landinformation kritiseras även för att vara otillräckligt och anses ibland ha företräde i domstol, vilket belyser ytterligare infekterade områden.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    FULLTEXT01
  • 10.
    Barrljung, Isak
    et al.
    Jönköping University, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation.
    Hörberg, Jacob
    Jönköping University, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation.
    Populism och journalister: hur påverkas den politiska debatten?: En studie om medialiseringens och populismens påverkan på slutdebatterna under valåren 2006 och 20222023Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    The political discourse has undergone a change in the past decades, both in Sweden and in most of the Western world. This development has been described by several news agencies in Sweden as the political climate becoming "harder". Previous research shows that the power of journalists has increased with mediatization. During the 2000s, the right-wing populist party Sweden Democrats has also been invited to parliament, which may have contributed to this change. Populism is closely linked to polarization, and strong polarization is a threat to democracy. This study deals with the subjects of media convergence and populism by analyzing two political debates produced by SVT in 2006 and 2022. The purpose of the study is to contribute knowledge on how the political debates have changed during the 2000s, and in what way. This is done by analyzing the final debates on SVT from 2006 and 2022 and the actors participating, where the role of journalists is a central component.  The theoretical framework used in the study is those that deal with rhetoric, populism and media convergence. The method used is pragmadialectics, which is a newer form of rhetorical method combined with an analysis schema for televised debates. The results of the study suggest that the Sweden Democrats' entry into parliament has contributed to populist tendencies in Swedish politics and increased polarization. The study also indicates that another consequence of the Sweden Democrats' participation in the final debate is an intensification of media convergence. The results also show that journalists receive a stronger power position in the debate in 2022 than they did in the 2006 debate, partly through camera angles but also their authority in the debate itself. 

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    fulltext
  • 11.
    Bengtsson, Sophia
    et al.
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    Hansson, Kajsa
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    Corporate Povery Reduction: Perspectives on collaboration between CSR and Development Assistance2010Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    Traditionally, governments are the main providers of development assistance and re-sponsible for stimulating social development in the third world. In recent years, Corpo-rate Social Responsibility has gained considerable ground and it is now common for corporations to get involved in activities resembling those carried out in the name of development assistance. A deconstruction of these two activities shows that they could be described as two definitions of the same concept. Through a set of research ques-tions, this thesis explores the relationship between CSR and development assistance and seeks to identify possibilities for future cooperation between them.

    The purpose of the thesis is to investigate (1) if there is a future possibility for a com-mon strategy where CSR and Development Assistance collaborate; (2) if developing countries would benefit from corporate involvement in development assistance; and (3) who else could benefit from such a strategy.

    The main conclusion is that there are substantial possibilities for future co-operation be-tween them. It seems clear from the research that neither governmental development as-sistance organizations nor corporations stand a chance to eradicate poverty alone. It is, however, crucial that poverty eradication has to be the common goal for all actors in-volved. For cooperation to succeed the public must realize that a collaborative strategy is a way of including more actors in pursuing the goal of poverty eradication and not a way of trasferring money from development assistance to corporations.

    Further, distribution of responsibility becomes useless if legal or official guidelines are unable to decide who has the ultimate responsibility. It is importance that responsibility is also followed by accountability.

    Corporations would benefit by gaining access to emerging markets and the possibilities for innovative business strategies. Development assistance agencies would by introduc-ing new strategies improve the results and get more resources to achieve effective po-verty reduction. If corporations and development assistance agencies collaborate and focus on long-term projects real effectiveness will be the result. The general opinion seems to be that with a clearly set goal, several coordinated actors have a better chance of achieving it than one.

     

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    FULLTEXT01
  • 12.
    Bergström, Helena
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    The effects of a separation between a state church and a state: Participation and religious activity in the Evangelical-Lutheran churches in Sweden and Norway2009Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this thesis is to examine the effects on religious participation and activity in a country that a separation between a state and a state church has. To do this I have compared Sweden and Norway. Norway still has a state church whereas Sweden does not as of January 1 2000. I decided to examine these two countries due to their similar backgrounds, geographical location and political systems. What I found when examining Sweden was that the separation did effect the religious participation compared to Norway. But Sweden has seen a decrease in church activities for a long time; the decrease would have taken place even without the separation, since Norway also had experiences this decrease over time. So my conclusion is, if Sweden had continued to have a state church, there would have been a similar decrease. However, it would probably have been smaller, then what have taken place after the separation. The different religious activities I have looked at, baptism, confirmation and marriage, have had different development over the years and have been affected differently by the separation. The decrease in religious activity in Sweden is not only caused by the separation between state and church, it is also a reaction against a changing society. The separation in Sweden lead to a larger decrease compared to Norway. Both the decrease in religious activity in Sweden and the separation was instead a reaction to a changing society, the role that the Swedish church once played has been replaced by other factors. One of the foundations to the political elements in Sweden has with this decrease and ultimately the separation been lost and if this also will have any effect on the involvement in secular organization, voting rates or political participation is too early to tell.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    FULLTEXT02
  • 13.
    Beso, Leila
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap. Högskolan i Jönköping.
    CYPERNFRÅGAN: En fallstudie av Cypern med fokus på etnicitet och fredsförslaget Annanplanen2011Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [sv]

    Cypernfrågan handlar om en etnisk konflikt mellan grek- och turkcyprioterna som uppstod direkt efter öns självständighet. Parterna hade väldigt svårt att samarbeta med varandra vilket ledde till att Cypern delades i två delar. Sedan dess har grupperna levt åtskilda med egna administrationer och strävan efter självbestämmande, den grekcypriotiska befolkningen strävade efter enosis, att hela ön införlivas med Grekland medan den turkcypriotiska befolkningen strävade efter taksim, att den norra delen av ön förenas med moderlandet Turkiet. FN har agerat som tredjepart för att försöka nå en fredslösning och lyckades lindra konflikten men många problem förblev olösta. I min uppsats har jag försökt komma fram till varför fredsförslaget Annanplanen, som upprättades av FN:s dåvarande generalsekreterare, blev avvisad av den grekcypriotiska befolkningen samt vad kan vara den största orsaken bakom den långvarige konflikten. Jag har använt mig av Lijphart demokratimodellen consociational democracy för att se om det skulle kunna vara en bra lösning för Cypern och har kommit fram till att det finns både för- och nackdelar med lösningsmodellen. Hänsyn har även tagits till federalism, etnicitet, primordialism samt socialkonstruktivism.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    FULLTEXT01
  • 14.
    Beso, Leila
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    Daytonavtalet och dess konsekvenser2010Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [sv]

     

    Fokus i denna uppsats kommer att ligga på de etniska konflikter som fortfarande pågår mellan de tre folkgrupper och den nya konstitutionen i landet sedan Daytonavtalet undertecknades. Vid krigets slut i Bosnien för ca fjorton år sedan då landet låg i spillror implementerades Daytonavtalet. Daytonavtalets  huvuduppgift var att sluta fred mellan de tre konfliktgrupperna samtidigt se till att landet utvecklas utan att minoriteterna skulle förtryckas. Medan Daytonavtalet lyckades stoppa kriget och uppehålla freden misslyckades den med statens sammanhållning och upprätthållning av en fungerande demokrati.

    Krisen i Bosnien har inte förändrats sedan krigets slut, de nationalistiska partierna av samtliga tre folkslag blir valda gång på gång, fattigdomen är fortfarande ett faktum och landet är fortfarande beroende av utländsk bistånd. Som det ser ut just nu går Bosnien inte en ljus framtid till mötes.

    

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    FULLTEXT01
  • 15.
    Binder, Malin
    Jönköping University, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, HLK, Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap.
    Green #propaganda: Deconstructing the AfD’s Right-Wing Populist Discourse on Climate Issues on Instagram2023Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    Right-wing populist parties have been found to oppose most policies and measurements aimed at fighting climate change. In disseminating right-wing populist messages, social media are said to play a central role. This thesis investigates how the German right-wing populist party Alternative for Germany (AfD) constructed climate issues in its Instagram posts between September 2022 and April 2023 by employing various discursive strategies. The study adopts the Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA) and analyses Instagram images and captions with a special focus on critique of argumentation and the sociopolitical context of the posts. The analysis reveals three macro-topics related to climate within the AfD's Instagram: energy policy, transport policy, and climate activism. In the sample, the party employs numerous features typical of populist discourse surrounding climate issues. Climate activists, Green politicians, the German government, and the EU are collectivized and criminalized through a populist us-vs-them rhetoric, further intensified by the visual nature of Instagram. Furthermore, the study uncovers the presence of multiple false or misleading statements within the posts. The findings indicate that the AfD's focus is more on criticising "the others" rather than engaging in substantive discussions on climate policies.

  • 16.
    Björklund, Anna
    et al.
    Miljöstrategisk analys - fms, Kungliga Tekniska Högskolan.
    Finnveden, Göran
    Miljöstrategisk analys - fms, Kungliga Tekniska Högskolan.
    Dreborg, Karl-Henrik
    Totalförsvarets forskningsinstitut, Stockholm.
    Johansson, Jessica
    Totalförsvarets forskningsinstitut, Stockholm.
    Mårtensson, Anders
    Industriell miljöteknik, IKP, Linköpings Universitet.
    Stenlund, Jenny
    Industriell miljöteknik, IKP, Linköpings Universitet.
    Viklund, Per
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    Wiklund, Hans
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    Energiplanering med strategisk miljöbedömning i Finspång2007Rapport (Annet (populærvitenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 17.
    Borén, Lina
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan.
    Democracy and communication: A study of the European Union's communication with the citizens until 2005, from a deliberative perspective2006Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    There is a gap between the citizens and the political institutions of the European Union. Several years of low participation in the European Parliamentary elections and a number of surveys shows that the EU has weak legitimacy in the eyes of the people.

    This thesis is a critical study of EU’s communication with the citizens until 2005. Based on Habermas’s theoroetical framework, it searches for deliberative qualities within the EU’s structure. According to Habermas, political legitimacy requires that people can shape and express their opinions in a public sphere, but the EU does not really have a public sphere. He also emphasizes the importance of good channels of communication between people and politicians, but within the EU, communication has been synonymous with information (or marketing) and practically unilateral. This leads to the conclusion that the EU’s lack of deliberative qualities can have affected EU’s political legitimacy negatively.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
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  • 18.
    Borén, Lina
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan.
    Reconnecting with citizens?: A study of the new communication strategy of the European Commission from a deliberative view2007Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Magister), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    There is a gap between the citizens and the political institutions of the European Union. Many theorists think that this is due to the fact that the EU suffers from a “democratic deficit” and that the EU is perceived as a project made by and for the political elite. Several years of low participation in the European Parliamentary elections and the French and Dutch rejection of the European Constitutional Treaty in Spring 2005 shows that the EU has weak legitimacy in the eyes of the people.

    In 2004, Margot Wallström was charged to renew the European Commission’s communication strategy and to reconnect with the citizens by stimulating dialogue and debate. This thesis is a critical study of the deliberative qualities of the new communication strategy based on Habermas’s discursive theory, which discusses the strategy’s possible effects on EU legitimacy. It finds that the communication strategy, despite several deliberative apects, have little chances to have an impact on EUs legitimacy, since it fails to engage “common people” in the debate and since it is not part of a major institutional reform but just an “icing on the cake”.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
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  • 19.
    Bruhagen, Åsa
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    European Identity-building and the Democratic Deficit - a Europe in search of its 'Demos'2006Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Magister), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    During the last two decades the citizens’ trust in the European Union (EU) has decreased. It has been established that the Union suffer from a democratic deficit which has caused it to impose so called “identity-policies”. There is a need for the citizens to identify with the Union as a foundation of its legitimacy. But there is a problem since there is no clear idea of who constitutes “the people” in the European case.

    Democratic theory presupposes a demos and a polity. The problem of the EU is that there are difficulties defining the ‘demos’ – there are difficulties identifying ‘the people’. The fact that the EU is in a situation where it has to deal with ‘peoples’ instead of a ‘people’ (demoi instead of demos) makes it more difficult since demos is closely related to the ‘nation’. Only nations may have states, thus the EU may not have a state. Hence it is difficult for the EU to conceptualize a demos, and without a demos there cannot be democracy. By arguing in this way the great need to create a ‘peoples’ Europe’ is understandable.

    The thesis will concentrate on why there is a lack of a demos, or a “We-feeling”, within the Union, why this is a source of anxiety, and what possibly could unite the Union.

    Attempts have been made to create a ‘European’ identity through constitution-making (however, a new constitution was recently rejected) and citizenship rights. The Union has also adopted a number of symbols to facilitate the citizens in identifying with the Union. Most of these symbols have been similar to those of the memberstates, thus, the Union has tried to use the methods of nation-building to overcome the legitimacy problem. Still, there is a lack of uniqueness of the Union. This may be for various reasons. Institution-building and constitution-making cannot alone provide democratic legitimacy; social practice and contestation must be included. This should take place in a public sphere but, in order to ‘have’ a public sphere, there must be a certain degree of collective identification.

    It has also been claimed that there is a ‘European’ culture stemming from three ancient treasure houses (the ancient Near East, the ancient Greece, and the Roman Empire). Since culture is based on norms, i.e. customs, attitudes, beliefs, and values of a society, it is of importance to the Union when this is what politics are based on.

    The study of this topic is relevant since the EU has an increased impact on the lives of its citizens, yet troubles to reach them. There is a lack of communication between the Union and its citizens and the democratic deficit becomes more and more obvious. The methods used by the Union do not seem successful and the issue of a European identity has become a source of anxiety.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
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  • 20.
    Bruhagen, Åsa
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    Justifying Preferential Treatment - Preferential Policies in Theory and Reality2006Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    Background and problem: It is important for a policy aiming at overcoming discrimination to be justifiable as just or as creating justice. When a policy is implemented lacking such qualities it is argued to be unjust, which creates a problem. During the last decades there has been massive immigration to the Western countries from countries marked by war and disaster. This has created problems of integration into the “new” society, and the use of preferential policies has become increasingly topical. Whether or not the use of preferential policies is a just method is the basis of this thesis.

    Aim: The aim of this thesis is to study the concept of preferential policies in an impartial perspective of fairness. By impartial it is meant to present facts speaking both for and against preferential policies as being just. The main question of this thesis is whether or not preferential treatment is a just method to create equality within the society.

    Method: A research method of textual analysis has been used combined with an analysis of structure of arguments.

    Theoretical framework: First, definitions of discrimination and preferential policies as such are focused upon in the third chapter. Second, the concept of social justice and its connection to preferential policies is treated. The question if preferential policies should be directed towards individuals or groups is a central question in the debate and it will demand its space in this thesis. Here the importance of merit will be discussed. The section about individuals and groups will be followed by a section discussing the importance of ethnic diversity which will be followed by a comparison of the development of preferential policies in the USA and Sweden. Last, there will be a section where an attempt to generalize between arguments is made.

    Conclusions and Discussion: In this part a conclusion and a discussion will be presented. Here conclusions will be drawn from the gathered material. Finally there will be a discussion on the subject and of how the research procedure has proceeded.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
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  • 21.
    Byström, Alexander
    et al.
    Jönköping University, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, HLK, Globala studier.
    Safar, Ali
    Jönköping University, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, HLK, Globala studier.
    Kryptovalutor och politiska beslut: En neorealistisk analys av fem staters kryptopolicy2021Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [sv]

    Kryptovalutor är ett mångfacetterat fenomen som har varit allt från libertarianers dröm på grund av sitt oberoende av staten, en ekonomisk frihet för personer som bor i diktaturer till ett verktyg som möjliggör kriminella verksamheter. Den senaste tidens kraftigt ökande handel med olika kryptovalutor har oroat världens centralbanker och nationalstater. Denna oro har skapat ett läge där stater måste ta politiska beslut för att hantera situationen vilket har lett till införande av restriktioner och regleringar. Bakom varje politiskt beslut finns ett motiv som präglas av statens nationella och internationella intressen. Denna studies syfte är att skapa en ökad förståelse för vilka politiska motiv som ligger bakom fem staters kryptopolicy. Studien är strukturerad i tre kapitel. Eftersom kryptovalutor är ett nytt samhällsfenomen ansågs det vara av vikt att beskriva vad kryptovalutor är och hur det fungerar samt förklara varför kryptovalutor är politik, denna del utgör första kapitlet. I andra kapitlet presenteras ett urval av länders kryptopolicy och i tredje kapitlet så analyseras dessa kryptopolicys utifrån studiens teori. För att synliggöra motiven bakom ländernas kryptopolicy har utgångspunkten varit tre antaganden som framställts ur neorealismen som är en dominerande teori inom internationella relationer. För insamlingen av material har litteraturstudie och innehållsanalys använts som metod.  Resultatet har synliggjort att staterna fruktar kryptovalutor främst på grund av att de eliminerar staternas roll som huvudförmedlare i ekonomiska aktiviteter och begränsar deras förmåga att spåra transaktioner. En genomförd analys av ländernas kryptopolicy har bland annat visat att stater tillåter utvinning och innehav av kryptovalutor eftersom det gynnar landets ekonomiska tillväxt men begränsar eller förbjuder användning av dem som betalmedel eftersom det medför en risk att förlora kontrollen över ekonomin.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
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  • 22.
    Cajic, Nela
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    One Nation under God: A study on religion and politics in United States2009Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    This essay deals with the subject on American politics and how it is affected by religion and religious leaders/organizations. The Religious right is also included as the movement has a strong attachment to the Republican party, but also the political sphere in general. A historical review is given as an introduction to this subject, and aims towards further reading. Three questions are asked; How does the religion affect the politics in Us and to which extend, Has the Religious right been able to affect politics and it that case how? And: Has the politicians used religious beliefs as arguments? Further on the two latest election in 2004 and 2008 are studied and its presidential candidates, to strengthen the hypothesis that religion is affecting the politics in United States.

     

    The Republican candidate John McCain and the Democrat Barack Obama connections to religion is upheld in this essay, and their political statements and debates are analyzed, to emphasize the influences from their religious faith.

     

    In the conclusion, facts are presented that actually shows that the religion has to an extend impact on politics and its performance. As the politicians are using religious rhetoric’s to strengthen their argumentations and speeches. 

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  • 23.
    Claesson, Ida
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    What are feminist fussing about?: Feminists attempts for full Citizenship2008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    Is citizenship gendered? The answer to this question for most feminist theorists has to be a resounding ‘yes’. For them citizenship has always been gendered in the sense that women and men have stood in different relationship to it, to the disadvantage of women. In recent years citizenship has been combined to gender by a number of feminists. Their work is all about the importance to reconstruct citizenship because they believe it fails to engage or to include women. This thesis examines the limitations of citizenship as it is in its current construction. The discussion clearly indicates the need to use gender and difference as categories of analysis in the creation of an inclusive conception of citizenship. The thesis will focus on the theoretical project and particularly on three debates around the ‘engendering of citizenship’. Discourse analysis is used as textual analysis in order to compare these three alternative models to citizenship. The aim is to investigate what solutions they find to include women into public life. One can appreciate that citizenship is a complex problem and so are the debates concerning it. It is important that feminists discuss this question carefully so that citizenship does not loose its meaning.

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  • 24.
    Dalevi Arelius, Jacob
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan.
    Macro Trends in Chinese Human Resources: The effects of Human Resources on the world´s most populous nation2008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    Macro Trends in Chinese Human Resources

    As we move into a more advanced globalized economy we have developed from an

    agriculture society to a service society. As with every other part of human development

    we have continued down the path of innovation and change to what some today call the

    “creative society”. It might be to early to say that we are entering a new age but it is clear

    that changes happen faster and with greater impact across the globe and that is creating a

    society that is different from before.

    A society where the talented, educated, creative, are the catalyst of economic

    development in a modern economy. But the rise of this creative class and the process of

    globalization also offer problems. When people elevate themselves and those around

    them to new heights through major change the people who are unable to transit into such

    a world run the risk of being left behind. It is the paradox of Globalization; it brings

    riches to the people who can adapt to it while the others are often left to tend for

    themselves.

    This thesis is about those effects on the world’s most populous nation, China. And when

    it comes to these, the Human Resources, the most productive elements of a modern

    - 5 -

    society, China is far behind. The Chinese race toward becoming a major global power is

    as much about catching up to the rest of the world economically a socially and politically.

    As China masses its economical muscles to change other problems evolve and the speed

    of the change lead to even more complicated social problems that might come back to

    haunt the country’s development path.

    China is trying to do what it took the major developed nations of the world a larger part

    of the last 300 years to do in one generation. Pushed by the need for reform the

    communist party is juggling politics, economy, and education of their people in more and

    more complicated ways and further and further away from each other. The story

    however, starts on a train ride between Washington DC and New York.

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  • 25.
    Dalevi Artelius, Jacob
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    Macro Trends in Chinese Human Resources: The Effects of Human Resources on the World's Most Populous Nation2008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [sv]

    Makro Trender inom Kinesiska Human Resurser

    Medan vi går mot en mer avancerad globaliserad ekonomi har vi också utvecklats från ett

    jordbrukssamhälle till ett service samhälle. Som med alla andra delar av mänsklighetens

    utveckling har vi fortsatt på en stig av entreprenörskap och förändring till det som vissa

    idag kallar ett ”kreativt samhälle”. Det kan vara för tidigt att säga att vi är på väg in i en

    ny era men det är klart att förändringar händer mycket snabbare och med en större effekt

    runtom jorden och det skapar ett samhälle som är annorlunda jämfört med förut.

    Ett samhälle där de begåvade, utbildade och kreativa är den ekonomiska utvecklingens

    katalysator. Men uppkomsten av denna, den kreativa klassen, och globaliserings

    processen innebär också problem. När människor höjer sig själva och dem runtomkring

    till nya höjder genom omfattande förändring finns en risk att de människor som inte

    klarar omställningen till en sådan värld lämnas kvar. Det är Globaliseringens paradox;

    den ger rikedom till människor som kan anpassa sig medan de andra ofta lämnas för att ta

    hand om sig själva.

    Den här uppsatsen handlar om de effekterna på världens mest befolkade nation, Kina.

    När de kommer till dessa, Human Resurser, de mest produktiva elementen av ett modernt

    samhälle är Kina långt bakom. Det Kinesiska loppet mot att bli en global makt handlar

    - 3 -

    lika mycket om att komma ifatt resten av världen ekonomiskt som socialt och politiskt.

    Medan Kina spänner sina ekonomiska muskler för att förändras uppstår andra problem

    och hastigheten som Kina förändras med leder till mer komplicerade sociala problem som

    kan komma att hota landets utveckling.

    Kina försöker göra det som det tog de främsta utvecklade länderna i världen den största

    delen av de senaste 300 åren att göra inom loppet av en generation. Tvingade av

    nödvändigheten av reformer jonglerar kommunistpartiet dessa politiska, ekonomiska och

    utbildningsmässiga problem på mer och mer komplicerade sätt och längre och längre bort

    från varandra. Den här historien börjar dock på ett tåg mellan Washington DC och New

    York.

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  • 26.
    Danielsson, Jennelié
    et al.
    Jönköping University, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, HLK, Globala studier.
    Polasek, Anna-Maria
    Jönköping University, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, HLK, Globala studier.
    Humanitarian aid: A qualitative study of the ethical reasoning behind the allocation from the perspective of five Swedish-based organizations2020Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    The Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their Additional Protocols aim to protect those people who are not “participating in the hostilities” of war, such as “civilians, health workers and aid workers” and are the pillar of humanitarian law (International Committee of the Red Cross, 2010). The humanitarian principles including humanity, neutrality, independence and impartiality, are based on the international humanitarian law and committed to by all member states of the European Union (European Commission, 2019). Although these principles exist to guide the humanitarian organizations in their assistance and allocation of humanitarian aid, they are sometimes overlooked in terms of, for instance, self-interest, strategic motives and media attention. This results in ethical dilemmas for humanitarian organizations.

    The aim of this thesis is to examine how Swedish aid donors, both a governmental and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), reason ethically in relation to the allocation of humanitarian aid towards conflict-affected areas. Semi-structured interviews have been conducted with four Non-Governmental Organizations and one governmental organization in order to examine and compare their ethical reasoning. The theories of consequentialism, utilitarianism, deontological ethics, socialization and rational choice have been applied to investigate the research questions further.

    The results broadly indicate that all participating organizations reason similar in terms of ethics in contrast to the findings in the previous research. For instance, they all follow the humanitarian principles and use additional ethical frameworks in the allocation of humanitarian aid. Many similarities were found among the NGOs and the governmental organization as well as a few differences.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    fulltext
  • 27.
    Della Rosa, Asia
    et al.
    Linköpings universitet, REMESO - Institutet för forskning om Migration, Etnicitet och Samhälle.
    Lawson, ChloeLinköpings universitet, REMESO - Institutet för forskning om Migration, Etnicitet och Samhälle.Sim, KennaLinköpings universitet, REMESO - Institutet för forskning om Migration, Etnicitet och Samhälle.Smith, NatashaLinköpings universitet, REMESO - Institutet för forskning om Migration, Etnicitet och Samhälle.Spathia, KaterinaLinköpings universitet, REMESO - Institutet för forskning om Migration, Etnicitet och Samhälle.Berggren, ErikLinköpings universitet, REMESO - Institutet för forskning om Migration, Etnicitet och Samhälle.Bredström, AnnaLinköpings universitet, REMESO - Institutet för forskning om Migration, Etnicitet och Samhälle.
    Life During Covid-19: from Norrköping to the World2020Collection/Antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [en]

    How does one write about a storm when one is swept by the wind and an impending thunder overhead, and lighting?

    We’re writing whilst standing on moving tectonic plates; what we conclude today might be rendered obsolete by the discovery of a vaccine, or new outbreak on a so far, little-affected region. However, we can at least hope that writing from within the phenomenon of the Coronavirus pandemic we can construct a unique time capsule in what (we hope) will be a passing, though indelible, phase in history.

    These reflections and observations of the present will be perhaps premature in gauging the situation or in making conclusions, but they will nevertheless be a record of a period that will be discussed and reconsidered for decades if not centuries to come. Therefore the texts that follow herein are a mixture of subjective reflections, popular scientific analyses and journalistic reports.

    Ultimately, regarding the pandemic’s effects on the economy, migration policy, healthcare, social ties within and between societies, on the family and the quality of our friendships, our capacities for compassion and support, only time will tell.

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  • 28.
    Dib, Sadi
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    En Demokratisk Utmaning: Högerpopulism i Danmark, Sverige och Norge2009Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
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  • 29.
    Dimoski, Zoran
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    Mexico´s Transition to Democracy: And Problems of Consolidation2008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    Abstract

    This thesis deals with Mexico’s transition to democracy, and its problems of consolidation.

    Mexico has an authoritarian heritage which still, eight years after the historic election in

    2000 and the coming of an electoral democracy, causes great problems in society. The thesis

    deals mainly with

    civil society, political society, and the rule of law. As a framework for the

    thesis, a transition model developed by Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan, called the “

    five arenas

    is used. As Mexico in year 2000 for the first time in 70 years had a change o regime,

    many Mexicans believed that this was the end to the corporatist style of the “old” system,

    and that many problems would disappear if Mexico would be democratic. However, this

    was not the case. Mexico has huge problems in consolidating its democracy, and new

    problems have developed.

    This thesis tries to identify the areas which have been important to the democratization

    process in Mexico, and how these areas function today. It does so from an historical perspective

    since much of today’s problems have roots in the past. The past is then connected

    to contemporary Mexico, dealing mostly with the period until 2006, when the winning

    party from the election in 2000 the PAN, confirmed their success when they won again in

    2006, but with the smallest margin even in Mexican history. The poor electoral performance

    of the PAN was a result of unsuccesfull politics with many promises but little change.

    This thesis also identifies the lack of

    accountability as a key-term to explain some of the failures

    of society to implement democratic measures in all areas of society.

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  • 30.
    Dopgima, Gadinga Amstrong
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    European Engagement with Africa: Problems, Potentials and the Way Forward2010Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    This research seeks to evaluate European engagement with Africa looking at the problems, pontentials and way forward. The continent’s treasure chest of varied natural resource endowments, have made it the source of historic, economic and political competition from especially western interests, a trend that has combined dangerously with the region’s poor leadership and democratic profile in impoverishing its masses, escalating lethal conflicts, while upsetting hard earned developments gains, that have been made.

    About 50 years since the sun of colonial hegemonies set in Africa, the continent’s development prospects continue to stagnate. Even the World Bank moved to describing Africa’s poor as the poorest of the poor in its 2001 development report. One question that continues to beg for answers is why a region so richly endowed with natural and human resources continues to bear the brunt of misery in such dispiriting fashion?

    The research is built on an exploration of the backward and forward historical continuums of patronizations that have stifled the continent (backward: counting the true cost of the legacies of slavery and colonial exploitation, forward: measuring the real cost of the iniquitous integration of Africa within the global economy and the continent’s role as bread basket for the rest of the world). The research explores the economic rationale for Europe’s engagement with the continent in the political, economic and cultural spheres, casting from a plethora of academic sources drawn from both leftist and right wing publications on the question of European engagement with Africa.

    In the end, the research has dwelled on some possible policy recommendations which could help this relationship. These recommendations  includes the African debt cancellation, using the Chinese Cushion Effectively for Africa’s development and the last but not the least, the reconstitution of African poltical and economic power which if considered, could precipitate a reversal in the trend of most African countries.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
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  • 31.
    Edquist, Love
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    Decentralization of Educational Managment in Vietnam2005Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Magister), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis analyzes the state of educational decentralization in Vietnam with the purpose to analyze how education has been decentralized in Vietnam; and if it has been in accordance with the purpose of the international development institution present in Vietnam.

    The thesis presents a theoretical framework over public decentralization and educational decentralization. The theoretical framework builds the base for the case study and the final discussion. The case study is undertaken as interviews with four different Departments of Education and Training in four different provinces and three different development organizations included in the process of educational decentralization in Vietnam.

    The results from the case study show that a decentralization of education has been undertaken in Vietnam. However, the decentralization has only been in the form of spatial decentralization, transferring responsibility and authority to lower levels of government, and has not decentralized decision-making authority to the Departments of Education and Training. The political sphere has not matched the decentralization of education with financial decentralization and has not increased the capacity within the Department of Education and Training. This lack of financial decentralization and capacity-building has provided a situation where the political sphere still keeps the decision-making authority over education. The development organizations on the other hand are pretty satisfied that decentralization of education has taken place in Vietnam. However, it has not met the purposes of the development organiza-tions.

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  • 32.
    Edwertz, Gunilla
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    Democratic development in Belarus and Cuba: Is it possible?2009Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    This is a study of whether it is possible for the governmental form of democracy to be ap-plicable in states that have not had democracy as their governmental form earlier in their political history. In this thesis the concept of liberal democracy is the major theory used as well as the concepts of rule of law and civil society. After giving a description of the con-cepts the thesis continues with two chapters that respectively describe and explain the states of Belarus and Cuba. The two states are going to be used in the analysis at the end of this thesis.

    The analysis includes several conditions to asses if democracy exists. These conditions are derived from the chapters on democracy and rule of law. In the analysis the states of Bela-rus and Cuba are analyzed based on the conditions derived from the chapters on democra-cy and rule of law. The results of the concluding discussion are that the probability for de-mocracy to survive in Cuba is higher than in Belarus because Cuba seems to be transition from an authoritarian form of regime to a form o f democracy. In contrast to Belarus, Cu-ba seems to be willing to open up from seclusion and isolation, as well as listen to its people than what the state of Belarus is willing to do.

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  • 33.
    Edwertz, Gunilla
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    Signalspaning: Helgar ändamålet medlen?2009Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [sv]

     

    Debatten om den kontroversiella signalspaningslagen är högst aktuell och det diskuteras öppet och intensivt om huruvida den är ett skydd mot hot utifrån eller om den hotar medborgarna i det svenska samhället. När uppsatsen avslutas har lagen trätt i kraft den 1 januari 2009, men kommer inte att träda i full kraft förrän i oktober 2009.

    Terrorism är ett fenomen som har fått en ny betydelse för människor i det globala samhället. Det har alltid funnits i samtid som det demokratiskt politiska samhället, men betydelsen av detta fenomen, detta begrepp har varierat. Den har skiftat under åren från att vara en terrorism där grupper som IRA och ETA figurerade för att frigöra territorium från de stora länderna till att handla om att påverka politiska beslut genom att skrämma civila. Cyberterrorism är ett nyare fenomen inom begreppet och har en annan verkan då den riktar sig mot det nya informationstekniska samhället som har blivit allt mer sårbart ju längre utvecklingen går.

    Syftet med uppsatsen har varit att undersöka vilket sorts inflytande som cyberterrorism har haft i utformandet av lagen, om lagen är ett hot mot Sverige eller ett skydd för Sverige samt huruvida signalspaning rättfärdigas av ändamålet, det vill säga att ge Sverige ett fungerande säkerhetsskydd.

    Slutsatsen av denna uppsats är att cyberterrorism har ett visst samband med hur lagen har utformats, men det är inte en avgörande eller ensam faktor. Huruvida lagen är ett hot mot Sverige eller ett skydd för och om ändamålet helgar medlen har det kommit fram till att den till viss del kan vara ett hot, men att ändamålet att politikerna vill  kunna ge Sverige ett fungerande säkerhetsskydd väger upp till en viss del vad lagen vill stå för. Det är fortfarande en hel del motsättningar mot lagen och det kommer det alltid att vara.

     

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    FULLTEXT01
  • 34.
    Ekdahl, Oscar
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    Possibilities of Electoral Reform in Zambia: A Study on Electoral Systems in Zambia and its Consequences2007Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Magister), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    Abstract

    The topic of this thesis is electoral systems and electoral reform in Zambia. In Africa, democratization is on its way in many countries. However, the democratic upswing in the early 1990s was in most countries followed by a standstill. In recent years the tendency has been a renewal of democratization which makes it possible to reach new heights. As a part of this recent democratic progress questions regarding constitutional reform and electoral reform have been raised. It is within that context that this thesis has its setting. In search for the incentives behind electoral reform the purpose of this thesis revolves around what the consequences are of the current electoral system in Zambia. A complimentary purpose is how an electoral reform can take place and what it might result in.

    A qualitative literature study with a hermeneutic approach has been used in this thesis. A theoretical framework has been created which focuses on different types of electoral systems and their respective consequences on the political system. Important key points of electoral reform have been discussed to give an understanding and foundation for the analysis. The result of the study is that there are several negative consequences with the current electoral system in Zambia. The negative effects range from minority and gender marginalization, lacking representation, weak governments with lacking legitimacy and wasted votes. Some surprising positive traits include the absence of ethnic politization, from time to time a strong opposition and possibilities of coherent policing. It is also believed that there is a profound support for an electoral reform with in many levels of the country and there are.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    FULLTEXT01
  • 35.
    Ekdahl, Oscar
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    Transition States in Africa: A Comparative Study: The Case of Ghana and Zambia2007Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    Abstract

    Background & Problem

    The author believes that there are important lessons to be learned from the states in Africa that have managed to achieve successful transitions from one-party regimes to multy-party regimes. However, Africa today displays countries that suffer from enormous problems and many of them are mired in political and economical development. A main theme of this thesis is the search for the differences, how can we explain the transitions and the outcomes of them?

    Purpose

    The purpose of this thesis is to describe the nature of transitions as Bratton & de Walle explain them and to see if their suggested explanations hold true in Ghana & Zambia. A secondary purpose also includes a comparison between the two cases and the differences between them.

    Method

    A combination of a traditional literature study and a focused comparative study has been used in order to fulfil the purpose.

    Theoretical Framework

    The second, third, fourth and fifth chapter represent the bulk of the theoretical framework. The theories stem from Bratton & de Walle and will be weighted against the empirical information found in the two cases.

    Analysis & Conclusions

    The latter chapters of this thesis summarize the results from the comparison and include a discussion and comment chapter. The conclusion argues that the causes and results of a transition to a large extent can be found in the political. The phases that Bratton & de Walle describe are also accurate in relation to the two cases. An important feature that Ghana has been successful with is that they have managed to withhold a higher political activity throughout their democratization. This has in turn resulted in a better outcome.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    FULLTEXT01
  • 36.
    Ekholm, Edvin
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    The Swedish model and the Rehn-Meidner model: A definition of the Swedish model and comparison to the Rehn-Meidner model2010Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis studies two different models; the Swedish model and the Rehn-Meidner model. It shows their similarities and differences, and explains why it is inaccurate to put an equal mark between the two of them. An extensive discussion on the models is presented in order to give them each a fair assessment. It is shown how and why the Swedish model has failed, as well as how Sweden has failed to apply the Rehn-Meidner model in a consistent manner.

     

    The paper concludes with a brief discussion on the models’ possible application today and in the future. Also, some requirements for the models’ validity will be recognized. Some important questions concerning the models’ relevance, the influence of multitude on the models, and the issue of globalization and the EU are in this concluding chapter briefly discussed. It is argued that multitude has decreased the relevance of the models significantly, and that the Swedish welfare state which was created based on the ideas of the Swedish model, needs to be reassessed. Welfare municipalities are suggested rather than a welfare state.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    Swedish model and the Rehn-Meidner model
  • 37.
    El Daoi, Racha
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan. Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    Democratization Process in the Middle East: - The Example of Lebanon2010Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this thesis is to evaluate the democratization process in the Middle East after 9/11. After 9/11 the US made a drastic change in their foreign policy towards the Middle East aiming on a “Freedom Agenda and fighting the “war on Terrorism” to ensure their national security.  Therefore, the main effort of the policy was made on democracy promotion in the Middle East in order for the Bush Administration to achieve their goals. Democracy is a widely used concept in the West describing a ruling system that secures peace and stability since it ensures the citizens all their freedoms and human rights. A definition of democracy and its arenas will be given according to the definition of Linz and Stephan with a main focus on Civil and Political Society. Lebanon will be brought up as an example of a somehow democratic Middle Easter Country. The Lebanese political system is based on confessionalism thus it is important to show how democracy is preserved within Lebanon presenting both the civil and political society within the country. The study in question shows how the US approached the region and which efforts were made in the democratization process in the Arab Middle East and it will also deal with the outcome 9/11 had on the Lebanese-US relation.

    The conclusion of the thesis showed that the Bush Administrations new foreign Policy faced many backlashes. Even though the US managed to overthrow the Taliban’s and remove Saddam’s Regime, the policy’s main goal of achieving democracy in the Middle East was not successful. In the case of Lebanon the research concludes that to achieve a successful democratic policy the Lebanese strong confessional structures must be combined with the fundamentals of democracy. It further showed that there has not been a drastic change in the Lebanese-US relation due to 9/11.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    Democratization Process in the Middle East - The Example of Lebanon
  • 38.
    El Masry, Sophia
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan.
    Civil Society in Egypt: Represented by two Egyptian newspapers2006Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Magister), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    The Egyptian civil society operates under a number of formal restrictions and the government’s repressive policy has held back the emergence of autonomous organisations and made them lose their power and impact. Nevertheless, civil society organisations in Egypt have grown in number, scope of activities and impact. In addition, the press has got relatively greater freedom of expression. Taking this evolution in account, this essay examines the contemporary Egyptian civil society in practice through two Egyptian newspapers; Al-Ahram and Al-Wafd.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    FULLTEXT01
  • 39.
    Engström, Anna
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    Political representation in EU multi-level governance: Is there a need for consent between the political elite and the public?2006Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis deals with political representation in EU multi-level governance. The European Union and its political system is quite complex, due to its unusual and multi-level governance.

    It has gained the reputation of capturing professionalism, and conforming to elite governance to a point where it is seen as an elite political game.

    The thesis wish to examine the European political system, and ask the questions, how important is the degree of consent between the political elite and the public in the European Union? Does it necessarily have an effect on the system of political representation as such, and if is does, does it influence legitimacy? Or in other terms, is it necessary for a degree of consent between the political elite and the public for political representation and legitimacy?

    The European Union has a tendancy to gain critique for its focus on professionalism and elitism, and I wish therefore to state that it is important to generate an evident relationship between political representation and legitimacy in EU multi-level governance. It is necessesary to create a functioning relationship between the political elite and the public, but it does not necessarily mean that it influence political representation and legitimacy. It is important to view the opportunities for political representation and legitimacy in a situation such as this. The degree of consent is not to create an impossibility for sufficient political representation and legitimacy in the European Union, is it?

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    FULLTEXT01
  • 40.
    Ericsson, Lina
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    The Swedish Arms Trade and the Politics of Human Rights:: A Comparative Case-study of Swedish Weapon Exports to the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and the Russian Federation in the year of 20062008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    The problem area of the study concerns the current debate and claim that much of the Swedish weapon export contradicts the Human Rights criterion and condition for non-armed conflicts set down by the Swedish regulatory framework governing weapon exports. Since these factors are crucial aspects pertaining to recipient countries in granting of ex-ports, this Bachelor Thesis investigate the context and facts relating to the two cases of munitions export to the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and the Russian Federation in 2006. With the primary purpose of investigating if these cases pertain to the regulatory frame-work governing Swedish weapon exports, the study has been based on a deductive method of logical reasoning deriving 4 hypotheses from the regulatory framework. Over all, after testing the hypotheses, the findings show that the decisions are in clear conflict with the Human Rights criterion of the Swedish regulatory framework, but not in conflict with the framework as a whole. Thereby, the study concludes that the decisions to grant export ac-cord the regulatory framework.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    FULLTEXT01
  • 41.
    Garz, Marcel
    et al.
    Jönköping University, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Nationalekonomi.
    Sörensen, Jil
    Hamburg Media School, Hamburg, Germany.
    Political scandals, newspapers, and the election cycle2021Inngår i: Political Behavior, ISSN 0190-9320, E-ISSN 1573-6687, Vol. 43, s. 1017-1036Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Election outcomes are often influenced by political scandals. While a scandal usually has negative consequences for the ones being accused of a transgression, political opponents and even media outlets may benefit. Anecdotal evidence suggests that certain scandals could be orchestrated, especially if they are reported right before an election. This study examines the timing of news coverage of political scandals relative to the national election cycle in Germany. Using data from electronic newspaper archives, we document a positive and highly significant relationship between coverage of government scandals and the election cycle. On average, one additional month closer to an election increases the amount of scandal coverage by 1.3%, which is equivalent to a 62% difference in coverage between the first and the last month of a four-year cycle. We provide suggestive evidence that this pattern can be explained by political motives of the actors involved in the production of scandal, rather than business motives by the newspapers.

  • 42.
    Glemdal, Mikael
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    Gubben på kullen: Om den smärtsamma skillnaden mellan politiska intentioner och praktiska resultat2008Doktoravhandling, monografi (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [en]

    Many social problems have proved unexpectedly difficult to solve. To analysethe unintended social repercussions of intentional human actions is considered to be the most important task of the social sciences. The ’unintended’ stand inthe way of satisfaction for human needs. The purpose of the thesis is to explain why political intentions are different from practical results. The political science sub-discipline of implementation research can make a contribution inthis aspiration. But there are problems. The top-down approach-researchers (Sabatier et al.) focus on the state, and in this way they tend to leave out extrastate activities (even if they themselves deny it). The bottom-up approachresearchers (Hjern et al.) can accurately map social problem solving, but they can not explain why identified differences exists between functional problem solving institutions and formal institutions (political assemblies). The thesis attempts to increase the capacity of the bottom-up approach to explain results. A framework of analysis is constructed with regard to this aim. It draws on Myrdal (1968) and Popper (1979). The thesis also aims to demonstrate how the framework works in practice. This is accomplished with a case study. It investigates political intentions andpractical results in relation to the heated controversies surrounding the institutionalisation of a National City Park in Stockholm, Sweden. This is the first law-protected national park in the world that is set in the heart of densely populated urban area. The institutionalisation of the park thwarts one leg of ahighway called the Northern Link. This starts a chain of events that stops awhole system of highways supporting the wider Stockholm area. It means thatone of the most expensive infrastructural projects in Swedish history collapses. Instrumental in setting this turn of events in motion is an old man living in ahouse on top of a hill close to the Northern Link. He takes the plans on the Northern Link to court and unexpectedly wins. The court agrees that thehighway intrudes on the park. Hence the name of the thesis – the Man On the Hill (Gubben på kullen).

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    FULLTEXT01
    Fulltekst (pdf)
    FULLTEXT02
  • 43.
    Granstrand, Jenny
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    The European Enlargement: To the East and Beyond?2010Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    The two Eastern enlargements in 2004 and 2007 marked a new chapter in the EU’s history, since it was the first time that the Union turned to enlarge eastwards. This thesis examines the borderline problem that arose with Article 49 of the Maastricht Treaty on the European Union, which gave the right to any European country that respects the principles of: liberty, democracy, human and fundamental rights, and the rule of law, to apply for membership in the EU.

     

    This thesis approaches the EU’s borderline problem by taking on three case studies consisting of Hungary, Lithuania, and Ukraine, for the purpose of analyzing the Eastern enlargement and Ukraine’s potentials of becoming a member of the EU. The reason for doing so is to compare Ukraine’s potentials of becoming a member in the EU with two Eastern states that, like Ukraine, have been involved with the Soviet Union, and that despite their degree of involvement, have been successfully integrated in the EU.

     

    As the EU has turned to enlarge eastwards, it gradually pushes its borderline with every enlargement, closer to Russian territory. Hence, it is necessary to investigate how potential integration of a country like Ukraine can affect the EU’s relations with Russia. The crucial aspect of the current relations between the EU and Russia is the interdependence of energy, where Ukraine is as a strategically important country, since it currently serves as a corridor between East (Russia) and West (EU). This thesis therefore shows that the problematic of potential integration of Ukraine goes much deeper than that of a geographical matter, and therefore touches other problem areas related to domestic political instability in Ukraine, and Russian political influence through its gas supplies.

     

    This thesis approaches the EU’s borderline problem from a foreign political perspective by investigating Ukraine’s potentials of becoming a member of the EU and suggesting, by the assistance of Westberg’s theoretical framework of integration theories, a third generation of integration theories to be needed in order to meet the problematic of the enlargement towards East. The thesis further gives recommendations to how the EU could deal with its borderline problem by answering three research questions related to the enlargement problematic.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    FULLTEXT01
  • 44.
    Granstrand, Jenny
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    The Quest for Value-Creating Networking2010Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    This study aims finding the significance of value-creating networking, for actors organizing themselves to take social responsibility, by examining three empirical cases. The study takes on the networkproblematic by investigating: (1) how the organizing actors network, (2) for whom they organize their activities, (3) when they generate value by networking, and (4) what the results of their networking are.

     

    The study comprises both primary with secondary data. The primary data accounts for the empirical material of this study and consists of interviews held with organizing actors from three networks. These actors then, have been selected by using the snowball method. The primary data has then been analyzed by using bottom-up implementation research policy analysis. This research method has then been combined with a well-proven methodological scheme that has been used to arrange the structure of the study, as well as designing the interview questions. The secondary data, in turn, supports the primary data with existing theories on networking, social responsibility, organization, and organizing.

     

    The three empirical cases indicate that socially responsible actors organize themselves by networking to address mutually defined needs. The study also shows that the networking, in the three empirical cases, takes place through the exchange of resources among actors within the networks. Based on the three empirical cases, the study draws the conclusion that the networks generate value to their participants, as long as there is a need, or demand, of their activities. However, when the networks no longer generate additional value to their participants, there will be no demand, or need for their activities. This in turn would imply that the examined networks would no longer be organized.

     

    By using the three empirical cases to exemplify, the study contributes with increased knowledge of how these socially responsible actors network, for whom they organize their activities, when they generate value by networking, and what the results of their networking are. The three examined networks thus enables for approaching how socially responsible actors generate additional value by organising themselves in networks.

     

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    FULLTEXT01
  • 45.
    Gruici, Simona
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan. Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    International Security: Crossing Borders: International Migration and National Security2011Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    One of the most dynamic events of our time is the large extent of population movements within and across national boundaries. The causes of this movement of people include economic hardship due to various natural calamities such as earthquakes, droughts, famine and floods, as well as economic hardship due to lack of income. Political instabilities represent a central factor that is forcing the population movements at both national and international level.

    In most of the cases, reality is beeing perceived as follows: if international security is enhanced, so is national security. However, the phenomenon of migration is perceived as being a greater challenge in the field of security towards failure states, rather than it might affect any welfare postindustrial states. Nowadays we are facing a more globalized security environment, fact that is actually providing other states with the possibility to create a better security for their own nations. In order to gain this security immunity, the states should be able to enforce and protect the migration policies within international security.

    The relationship between migration and security became increasingly complex in the new millennium. As it follows, the focus of this theme is the correlation between migration´s consequences, both positive and negative, towards national security of host states. Furthermore, the topic of this paper is extending over ´what terrorism implies´. In order to reach a clear understanding, it has been analyzed the phenomenon of globalization and its forthcoming implications within both terrorism and migration. As a result of this transformation, terrorism has the power now to threat much more countries in the global area.

    Nevertheless, the purpose of this thesis is to examine which factors have an impact on international security, within a continental similarity. The central focus reflects over the Euro-Mediterranean area and to certain extends over the United States. The considered factors are: migration, loss/gain of governmental control, the political reaction after the attack of 9/11, spread of democracy (e.g. globalization), and creating citizenship.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    Bachelor Thesis - political science
  • 46.
    Gustafsson, Karl-Martin
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    Development as Social Contract: Political Leadership in Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia2007Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis will show how authoritarian governments rest legitimacy on their ability to create socio-economic development. It will point to some methods used to consolidate power by authoritarian leaders in Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia. An authoritarian regime that successfully creates development is strengthened and does not call for democratic change in the short run. It is suggested that the widely endorsed Lipset hypothesis, that development will eventually bring democratic transition, is true only when further socio-economic development requires that the economy transfers from being based on industrial manufacturing to knowledge and creativity – not on lower levels of development. Malaysia and Singapore have reached – or try to reach – this level of development today, but restrictions on their civil societies have still not been lifted.

    This thesis describes modern political history in Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia in a Machiavellian tradition. The historical perspective will give a more or less plausible idea of how authoritarian regimes consolidated au-thority and what role development policies played in the leaders’ claims for authority. The conclusion will give a suggestion on how the political future in these three countries might evolve. It will point to the importance of an active and free civil society as a means to develop the nations further, rather than oppression.

    This thesis will try to point to the dos and don’ts for authoritarian regimes. The ideas of Plato, Machiavelli and Hobbes provide the structures and methods that authoritarian regimes apply. It will be shown that a regime will disintegrate when it fails to comply with Plato’s and Machiavelli’s ideas. Although ancient, Plato and Machiavelli provide methods and structures that seem to carry relevance to the modern history of Southeast Asia.

    I will point to how authoritarian rule can be maintained in the long run. What is required from the political leadership, what are their strategies and methods? What makes people to tolerate or topple authoritarian regimes? Why do some authoritarian regimes successfully create development while others do not? These are some of the questions this thesis will try to answer.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    FULLTEXT01
  • 47.
    Gustafsson, Karl-Martin
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    Development Policies as Social Contract: Political leadership in Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia2007Independent thesis Basic level (professional degree), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis will show how authoritarian governments rest legitimacy on their ability to create socio-economic development. It will point to some methods used to consolidate power by authoritarian leaders in Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia. An authoritarian regime that successfully creates development is strengthened and does not call for democratic change in the short run. It is suggested that the widely endorsed Lipset hypothesis, that development will eventually bring democratic transition, is true only when further socio-economic development requires that the economy transfers from being based on industrial manufacturing to knowledge and creativity – not on lower levels of development. Malaysia and Singapore have reached – or try to reach – this level of development today, but restrictions on their civil societies have still not been lifted.

    This thesis describes modern political history in Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia in a Machiavellian tradition. The historical perspective will give a more or less plausible idea of how authoritarian regimes consolidated au-thority and what role development policies played in the leaders’ claims for authority. The conclusion will give a suggestion on how the political future in these three countries might evolve. It will point to the importance of an active and free civil society as a means to develop the nations further, rather than oppression.

    This thesis will try to point to the dos and don’ts for authoritarian regimes. The ideas of Plato, Machiavelli and Hobbes provide the structures and methods that authoritarian regimes apply. It will be shown that a regime will disintegrate when it fails to comply with Plato’s and Machiavelli’s ideas. Al-though ancient, Plato and Machiavelli provide methods and structures that seem to carry relevance to the modern history of Southeast Asia.

    I will point to how authoritarian rule can be maintained in the long run. What is required from the political leadership, what are their strategies and methods? What makes people to tolerate or topple authoritarian regimes? Why do some authoritarian regimes successfully create development while others do not? These are some of the questions this thesis will try to an-swer.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    FULLTEXT01
  • 48.
    Gustafsson, Karl-Martin
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    Självintresse som Samarbetsgrund: Företag i Samverkan2007Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [sv]

    Denna uppsats belyser förutsättningar för samarbete om en gemensamt ägd resurs mellan traditionellt sett egoistiska vinstmaximerande aktörer. Handlingar som motiveras utifrån egoistisk vinstmaximerande rationalitet vid utnyttjandet av en gemensamt ägd resurs är kontraproduktivt och ohållbart för resursens bevarande på lång sikt. Därför måste aktörerna ändra sitt beteende kring utnyttjandet av resursen.

    Här belyses de förutsättningar, processer, handlingsmotiv och verktyg som krävs för att gemensam handling mellan egoister kan ingås, etableras och bevaras. Samarbete som utformas enligt modellen som beskrivs i denna uppsats ger individerna högre nyttoavkastning samtidigt som resursen kan bevaras på ett långsiktigt hållbart sätt. Egoistiska, eller självintresserade, konkurrerande aktörer gör långsiktiga nyttovinster på att samarbeta.

    Som exempel används två imaginära vinstdrivande företag på en konkurrensutsatt marknad. Företagen får nyttovinster i form av ökad produktivitet och kostnadsminskningar genom att samarbeta om en gemensamt ägd inköpsavdelning, jämfört med individuellt agerande. Ett företag fungerar i denna uppsats som representant för urtypen av en vinstmaximerande självdriven egoist. Inköpsavdelningar har traditionellt sett varit drivna som en privat ägd resurs. Här belyses att nyttovinster kan göras genom att ombilda flera privat ägda inköpsavdelningar till en gemensamt ägd resurs. Men detta kräver att aktörerna omformulerar sina nyttofunktionella motiv till handling. Uppsatsen beskriver hur detta kan gå till, vilka svårigheter samarbete kan innebära och hur aktörerna kan överkomma svårigheterna.

    ”Mind-Map” modellerna i avsnitten 5.2 och 5.3 har visst sammanfattande värde. De visar hur uppsatsens teorier bygger på varandra. ”Mind-Map” modellerna visar följderna från egoistisk och liberal-utilitaristisk rationalitet som motiv till handling vid utnyttjandet av en gemensamt ägd resurs. För att en gemensam handling ska komma till stånd kan aktörerna inte motivera sina handlingar från egoistisk vinstmaximering, utan snarare liberal-utilitaristisk ”satisficing”.

    Uppsatsens antaganden är uppbyggda som så att avsnitten 2, 3 och 4 utgör grundantagandena. Hur de antagandena appliceras introduceras i avsnitt 5. I avsnitt 6 kommer ytterligare antaganden allt eftersom modellen anpassar sig efter en inköpssituation.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    FULLTEXT01
  • 49.
    Gustafsson, Oscar
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    Transition States in Africa: A Comparative Study: The Case of Ghana & Zambia2007Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    Background & Problem

    The author believes that there are important lessons to be

    learned from the states in Africa that have managed to achieve successful transitions from

    one-party regimes to multy-party regimes. However, Africa today displays countries that

    suffer from enormous problems and many of them are mired in political and economical

    development. A main theme of this thesis is the search for the differences, how can we

    explain the transitions and the outcomes of them?

    Purpose

    The purpose of this thesis is to describe the nature of transitions as Bratton

    & de Walle explain them and to see if their suggested explanations hold true in Ghana &

    Zambia. A secondary purpose also includes a comparison between the two cases and the

    differences between them.

    Method

    A combination of a traditional literature study and a focused comparative

    study has been used in order to fulfil the purpose.

    Theoretical Framework

    The second, third, fourth and fifth chapter represent the

    bulk of the theoretical framework. The theories stem from Bratton & de Walle and will be

    weighted against the empirical information found in the two cases.

    Analysis & Conclusions

    The latter chapters of this thesis summarize the results from

    the comparison and include a discussion and comment chapter. The conclusion argues that

    the causes and results of a transition to a large extent can be found in the political. The

    phases that Bratton & de Walle describe are also accurate in relation to the two cases. An

    important feature that Ghana has been successful with is that they have managed to

    withhold a higher political activity throughout their democratization. This has in turn

    resulted in a better outcome.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    FULLTEXT01
  • 50.
    Hansla, André
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, IHH, Statsvetenskap.
    Politiskt Intresse och Politisk Apati i Sverige (1960-1998): Ett mångteoretiskt perspektiv2006Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [sv]

    Föreliggande uppsats kartlägger det politiska intressets och den politiska apatins utveckling i Sverige under 1900-talets senare hälft. Det undersöks också hur antalet ”nya”, så kallade icke traditionella partier med mandat i kommunfullmäktige, förändrats under samma tidsperiod. Genom att förankra studiet av det politiska intresset i en explicit teoretisk grund (ett av uppsatsens syften), som i stor utsträckning förbisetts i tidigare undersökningar, härleddes hypotesen att det politiska intresset torde ha ökat parallellt med ökningen av antalet ”nya” partier i kommunfullmäktige, men likaså med minskningen av etablerade partiers medlemmar och en stigande politikermisstro. Underförstått i detta antagande ligger att begreppet politiskt intresse inte låter sig reduceras till ett intresse för etablerade politiska institutioner – en tes som genomgående drivs i uppsatsen. Hopfogandet av en teoretisk grundval för det politiska intressebegreppet innebar också att betydligt fler mått på politiskt intresse och politisk apati, än de i föregående studier hittills få använda mått, kunde härledas i denna undersökning – medförande en förbättrad reliabilitet. Rådata inhämtades från de svenska valundersökningarna. Resultatet bekräftar det antagna sambandet mellan å ena sidan ökad partitillförsel och å andra sidan ökat politiskt intresse och sjunkande apati. Resultatet visar även att den politiska apatin är avsevärt mycket lägre än vad som påvisats i andra undersökningar, och att apatin i stort sätt sjunkit konstant sedan 1960-talet. Dock kan en ökning av den politiska apatin urskiljas i slutet av 1990-talet. Avslutningsvis diskuteras det politiska intressets väsen. Det görs gällande, till skillnad från den gängse uppfattningen, att en sjunkande politisk apati och ett stigande politiskt intresse har sin förklaring i en utbredning av särintressen, knapphet, mångfald, specialisering, värderelativism och i avsaknaden av en gemensam politisk ”myt” i moderna västerländska samhällen. Den motsatta förklaringen framförs emellertid ofta, nämligen att särintressen får medborgarna att tappa intresset för politik – den gemensamma angelägenheten – och apatiskt vända den ryggen. Men denna förklaring och definition av det politiska intressebegreppet, som betraktar särintressen som ”opolitiska” intressen och fråntar dem en roll som politiska drivkrafter, riskerar att göra etablerade politiska institutioner till självändamål. Därmed kontrasterar förklaringen mer eller mindre den representativa demokratins grundtanke: att politik skall spegla samhället och att politik är ett medel. För att undvika att göra redan institutionaliserad politik till aristoteliska självändamål, avrundas uppsatsen med ett förtydligande och en återformulering av en nygammal, liberalistisk politisk intresseontologi.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    FULLTEXT01
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